Romeo and juliet Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words - 1

Romeo and juliet - Essay Example In my opinion, no one is directly to blame for the tragedy, it was matter-of fact, faults that occurred. The dispute between the Capulet’s and the Montague’s has expanded generations. The young love which has capitulated Romeo and Juliet into each other’s arms was something that nobody can help. It is quite true that love sees no reason, it only sees what it wants to see and this sets off their romantic story. As a famous line by Juliet in the play goes â€Å"Whats in a name? That which we call a rose. By any other name would smell as sweet† (Shakespeare, 55). The bickering of the two families is reminiscent of the problems which is the whole tragedy of the story. It was the plot of the play. It was a number of misfortunes that rolled into the final event. If there was any into the series of events that I would have to consider pivotal in the deaths it would have to be the slipup of the messenger in not being able to deliver the message to Romeo. A passage in the play goes (Shakespeare): When the message was not delivered to Romeo it was the culmination of the succeeding events. His ignorance of the fact that Juliet is not really dead aroused his emotions which led to his consequent suicide. Had he been informed that Juliet merely drank a potion but not poison then he would not have killed himself. In this case it would have to be in relation to the fault of Friar Laurence. The idea was set in motion by Father Laurence and therefore it is primarily his hand in the whole plan designed to ideally bring them back together. When he wed the two without the blessing of their families it was the start of the predicament escalating. He believed that by marrying the two he would be able to alleviate the two families’ war. ‘To turn your households rancour to pure love’ (Shakespeare, 115). He was helpless with the pleas of the couple. It was to their hearts desire that they be wed and there was little to nothing that could stop them from their

Discussion Board Reply Apple Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Discussion Board Reply Apple - Assignment Example Competitor organisations have gained significantly from focusing their production and selling products to these markets (Sher & Ramstad, 2013). Apple continues to limit its operations to the developed countries, but focusing on the other regions would also provide a platform for increasing the market share for the company (Reeves & Deimler, 2011). The company needs to develop a long term plan for enhancing competition and ensuring continued success of the company products. With many competitors emerging within the market, the industry boundaries continue to blur, necessitating development of effective strategies to maintain Apple’s competitive advantage. While maintaining its differentiated, premium price strategy, Apple should also consider low-price, low margin approach for the emerging markets for sustainable competition (Reeves & Deimler, 2011). Despite the supply chain management approach for the company having ensured the effectiveness in maintaining a competitive advantage, there is need to integrate all the processes within the company to ensure the smooth operations in the supply of raw materials (Keller & Price, 2011). Reeves, M., & Deimler, M. (2011). Adaptability: The new competitive advantage. , 2011. Harvard Business Review2, 135–141. Retrieved from

Women’s rights in America in the 1920s Essay Example for Free

Women’s rights in America in the 1920s Essay Throughout the ages women have been stricken with often male-made oppression in many forms on the long, difficult road to their eventual initiation into equal rights. Some aspects of women’s rights today were obtained by questionable means in the past. One such act of liberation by questionable means was the introduction of a class of women in the 1920s known as flappers. These flappers were the beginning of a new wave of sexually and intellectually liberated women. Women of this age wore short skirts and revealing clothing in addition to cutting their hair into bobs and smoking and drinking publicly. These women were also outspoken in many areas, including matters of art, society, and politics. (â€Å"The changing values of a new generation†) Many argued that these women were the source of much moral corruption and social confusion during the age. A large number of people believed that flappers were rowdy, trouble-making, time-wasting, destructive women and that their damaged morals were in need of correcting. In the eyes of many critics, flappers were a prime example of the growing immorality, irresponsibility, inconsideration, impatience, stupidity and selfish personal absorption of today’s female youth. Still others felt that the flappers were simply lazy and their lifestyles were not only evil and blasphemous but also unhealthy for the soul, body, and mind. Secretary of Labor, James Davis said in September of 1922, that the flappers lifestyle revolved mainly around sex and substance abuse. It was argued that the heightened displays of sexual freedom of these flappers promoted lower social morals, larger rates of promiscuity and greater irresponsibility in many young women. Many people saw flappers as being unintelligent, self absorbed, and were only concerned with their own personal gain, without taking others into consideration. They were often viewed as shameful recluses, and troublemakers. Those who felt that flappers were immoral and corrupt argued that they were bad influences on the younger, more impressionable girls and that they gave their community a bad image. It was said to be inappropriate for any woman to show a substantial about of flesh  at any given time, especially in public, therefor, the flappers were seen in an even more negative light due to the fact that their dresses only required 3 yards of fabric instead of the traditional 6. Many said that flappers were inconsiderate of others with their rambunctious behavior and provocative appearances. Their public drinking and smoking was seen by many as vulgar and unladylike. Flappers were also said to be impatient and unintelligent in areas such as schooling, work and typical domestic o bligations. Despite many negative arguments against flappers there were also those who supported them and argued for them, including, of course, the flappers themselves. Flappers and their supporters looked at their actions as a means of promoting their sexual and intellectual liberation from the former, male-based structure of society. These supporters of such female liberation believed that flappers had earned the right to their free and passionate lifestyles and that they should be respected just as much as the men of the community. Such flapper collaborators felt that they were self-sufficient and reliant as well as intelligent and feminine. Flappers often wore makeup with their short hair and flowingly skimpy clothing. They kept themselves slim and fit and exercised often. These women spent a great deal of money to uphold their flapper fashion and image. They felt that they were independent as well as responsible in their free-spirited fight for equality and freewill. They argued that they were not immoral in their lifestyle and that their behavior was in fact far from destructive but, instead, was helping to work towards creating social equality. (â€Å"The New feminism of the 1920s†) Flappers were not in fact only concerned with standing out and being noticed. They were not simply fashion and image-driven, selfish women, but were strong, self-willed, independent young feminist citizens who were fighting passionately for their right to stable equality amidst a prominently male-driven world. These women pushed aggressively for their social, professional, and sexual freedom which they felt were hard-earned and well overdue. Many flappers wished to pursue positions in careers which would otherwise be deemed unacceptable for the average women of the time. They hoped that by breaking away from social normalitys that they could eventually obtain equality in all important aspects of life while hopefully  also allowing them entry into many professional fields which would normally be unaccessible to women. It is beyond confrontation that many of the questions of the flapper age were presented with a certain amount of dubiety by many brave independent women seeking fairness and equality. These women took their lives and futures into their own hands and with all the courage and determination they could muster they threw their hopes and expectations for equality upon the world. The flappers were passionate, lively young women with aspirations of possessing the same basic human rights that were possessed by the men of the age. Though their aggressively displayed fashion and ideas came as quite a shock to most people at first, after the differences became more accepted by the general public objections were able to be put aside, to make way for some real changes. Despite the many controversies surrounding the flappers and their ideals the fact remains that due to their existence and involvement in history a great deal of significance changes were brought about whether for the good or bad that of today’s society which have greatly expanded upon women’s rights and equality.

What Are The Weaknesses Of Democratic Transition Theory Politics Essay

What Are The Weaknesses Of Democratic Transition Theory Politics Essay Throughout the 20th century, democracy has gained its status as the predominant and most legitimate form of national governance. Through complex and diverse processes of democratization, not all successful, increasingly more states embedded democratic characteristics and procedures into their governance systems. Consequently, democracy and democratization swiftly became the subject-matter of extensive academic literature, widely referred to as Democratic Transition Theory (hereafter: DTT), which aims to scrutinize various aspects of emerging democratic regimes and democratic transitions. This essay will focus on the question What are the weaknesses of democratic transition theory. It will assess, while using the case-study of democratization processes in the former-Yugoslavia states, different shortcomings of existing DTT, which arguably undermine its theoretical validity and call into question the extent to which it is useful in explaining contemporary democratic transitions First, at the theoretical level, DTTs incoherent and diverse use of concepts, variables and methods, which weakens its internal validity. Second, at the empirical level, DTT is inapplicable to contemporary variants of democratic transitions mainly due to the impact of globalization processes on notions of statehood and citizenship in post-conflict situations, which weakens its external validity. Third, at the practical level, DTT blurs boundaries between academic accounts and policy prescriptions as well as between descriptive and normative perspectives, which calls into question its utility as a guiding principle for democratization policy. Based on these three critiques, I will argue that we should differentiate between notions of DTT as an academic theory and as a political paradigm. As an academic theory, we should perceive it as an open project and thus further develop it in order to suggest plausible explanations of contemporary transitions. As a political paradigm, we should acknowledge the theoretical limitations in using it to underwrite democratization policy and therefore revisit its prescriptive and normative strands. (A)Democratic-Transition-Theory: A-Historical-Background DTT is a field of study that focuses on exploring the political phenomenon of regime transitions. In this sense, DTT is a fairly coherent research program, which encompasses various studies which aim to scrutinize the process by which a state attempts to embed democratic features in its formal and informal patterns of governance. DTTs contemporary incarnation evolved in light of the democratic transitions in Latin America and South Europe starting in the mid 1970s. These processes, which Huntington-(1991) dubbed the third wave of democratization, begat a prominent line of DTT studies (e.g. Huntington, 1991; ODonnell and Schmitter,1996), suggesting various explanatory frameworks for these transitions. Nevertheless, studies on democracy as a form of governance emerged before that. Seminal works of American scholars in the 1960s articulated the first configuration of DTT, which aimed to scrutinize the structural settings that arguably explained democratic patterns, these usually focused either on economic factors, like modernization and economic development or on cultural factors, like political culture. These were nevertheless more of an attempt to empirically identify the structural conditions that shape specific modes of political institutions and focused less on the studying the process of democratic transition itself. The political processes of the-Third-Wave, have generated a new approach to DTT, which diverted the focus from strictly structural explanations to agent-oriented ones. This new approach emphasizes the role of political elites as agents that realize and execute democratic transitions (for an overview on DTT, see Bunce,2000: 705-715) The study of democratization expanded in light of democracys worldwide expansion. Multiple regional and cross-regional studies were performed in various attempts to deduce theoretical generalizations regarding democratization. Altogether, these studies explored a common type of transition, characterized as the process through which a breakthrough of an authoritarian regime in a certain state results in transition toward democracy (Carothers, 2002:). In this sense, DTT studies differed in the various causal explanations of the factors that facilitate the political phenomenon of regimes transitions. By focusing on the processes features rather than on its diverse origins or potential outcomes, these studies suggested a certain and limited prism on democratic transitions. This prism, based on retrospective empirical evaluations of concrete and deliberated democratization processes in Latin America and South Europe, painted a picture of relatively sequenced and pre-determent patterns of democratic reforms within nondemocratic states. The criteria for evaluating the strengths and weaknesses of theories are typically based on assessing their internal and external validity. Internal validity refers to the strength of the causal links a theory suggests in terms of conceptualizing, measuring and qualifying its variables-and the relations between them. External validity refers to the extent to which theories can be generalized and applied to situations other than those examined. In the next section, I will evaluate-both the internal and external validity of DTT. First, internally in terms of concepts and methodology, and then externally in terms of its applicability to explaining more recent regime transitions- specifically, the fragmentation of Yugoslavia from 1990-1999. (B)DTT-Weaknesses: Internal-Validity DTTs main weakness in terms of internal validity is the lack of sufficient coherence in its concepts, variables and the links it suggests between them (Munck,1994). DTT as a research program encompasses various studies aiming to explain democratic transitions; however, these studies define democratic and/or transitions in different ways. This in turn creates a situation in which theories that allegedly claim to offer alternative explanations to the same phenomenon, actually explain different phenomena. For example, the book of ODonnell and Schmitter (1986), a seminal DTT work, posits in its first paragraph that it deals with transitions from certain authoritarian regime toward an uncertain something else' (ODonnell and Schmitter, 1986:3). Huntingtons book, probably the work that is most identified with the DTT, declares in its preface that it is about the transition of some thirty countries from nondemocratic to democratic political system (Huntington: 1991, 3). Linz and Stephen (1996), present a third approach, which attempts to revisit the traditional DTT and explore how the character of different nondemocratic regimes affects, or does not affect, the paths that can be taken to complete a transition to a democratic regime (Linz and Stephen, 1996: 3). These three examples reflect three different conceptualization of democratization: ODonnell and Schmitter focus on the origins of a political transition, Huntington examines the factors that shape the process of democratization, and Linz and Stephan illuminate the final phase of the process, the consolidation. These different explanatory frameworks, although complementary to a certain extent, are incomparable in terms of evaluating the strength of their arguments and their plausibility. Furthermore, DTT studies not only conceptualize democratic transition differently, but-also conceptualize democracy differently. This illuminates two major disagreements that hinder the internal validity of DTT. At the conceptual level, DTT theorists disagree over which democratic features should be used to signify the degree of both existence and success of democratic transitions. At the methodological level, they-disagree on how these features can and should be measured. For example, while Huntington prefers to stick to the minimal definition of democracy as a political system in which decision-makers are selected through fair, honest and periodic elections (Huntington,1991:7), Linz and Stephan choose a wider definition comprising behavioural, attitudinal and constitutional elements (Linz and Stephan,1996:6). The challenge of defining and operationalizing democracy indicators corresponds with the extensive academic literature of democratic theory. The latter, a close relative of democratic transition theory, focuses on highly contested questions of defining, measuring and qualifying democracy both procedurally as a form of government and conceptually as a conduit of specific values and norms (e.g. Beetham, 1994). The challenge for DTT in this sense is obvious. If there is no consensus on how to define democracy, how to qualify it and how it can be measured, how could DTT attempt to portray the trajectories of transition to democracy, let alone explain the factors that shape them. For example, the common explanation of elite-driven transition, which emphasizes the essential role of political elites in the transition process, fails to explain the relations between democracy and political elites, namely to explicate why, and under what conditions, political elites will be motivated to perpet uate political transition (Bunce,2000). These are just several examples of the theorys internal shortcomings. Alongside others, these examples raise questions regarding the ability of DTTs causal explanations to depict a complete picture of the specific transitions they aim to explain (Munck, 1994). This by itself is a sufficient reason to question the transferability of the theory and the ability of applying it on other transitions (Pridham, 2000:1-3). The next section will focus on democratic transitions in the Balkans as a case-study to illustrate the limitations of using classic premises of DTT as plausible theoretical lenses for explaining political transitions in contemporary post-conflict situations. (C)DTT-Weaknesses:-External-Validity Yugoslavias disintegration and the Balkan wars (1990-1999) that followed led to the creation of seven new independent states (including Kosovo). All were required to face the complex mission of reconstructing (actually constructing) basic political and economic state-infrastructures. This mission is composed, according to Offe (quoted in Kostovicova and Bojicic-Dzelilovic,2006: 226) , of triple transition: (1) At the societal level, nation-state building (which can be separated into two different building processes state-institutions and the nation); (2) at the economic level, economic liberalization and (3) at the political level, democratization (see also Blunden, 2004:22-23 and Hippler, 2008). These are not separated transitions. In practice, they not only overlap and intertwine, but they also affect each other and are shaped by similar factors. In this respect, democratic transitions in the Balkans cannot be examined separately from the context of concurrent transitions on one h and and of the historical circumstances and legacies that generated those, on the other (Pridham, 2000:9-15). Herein lays DTTs main deficiency: it is almost blind to the importance of different contexts, at both the domestic and international realms which could potentially affect democratic transitions. . For years, DTT studies explained democratization from the inside, whether by structural variables like economic and cultural factors, or by agent-oriented approaches, which focus on political elites and their role in redesigning political institutions. By that, DTT largely refers to the transition as an isolated process that is dependent on the confluence of a set of (rather contested) driving forces that arguably promote democracy. It thus ignores the specific contexts and preconditions within which it takes place, as well as the related external forces (Carothers, 2002; Whitehead, 2002). I will elaborate only on the two contextual impediments of DTT, which seem most relevant for explaining political transitions in the global era: (1) the role of statehood and citizenship and (2) the international dimension. Both of these factors gain extra significance if one accepts the common understanding that processes of globalization for the past couple of decades have challenged classical no tions of the states legitimacy and authority. One of the main indicators of democratization processes in the Balkans is popular elections, which were held in all of the emerging Balkan states ever sense the-aftermath of the Balkans-wars. Even if we will accept the disputed assertion that elections endow a polity with the label democratic, the statehood of these polities still remains questionable (Edmunds, 2007; Krastev, 2002). The puzzling phenomenon of democracy preceding statehood, simply does not meet the basic premises of DTT, hence highlights the latter inapplicability to post-conflict political transitions. One of DTTs core assumptions is that the polity in transition is not only a state, but also a consolidated one. It assumes that the transition is occurring within the framework of an existing infrastructure of political institutions and is reconstructed through the transition process (Carothers, 2002). The case of the Balkan states imposes a new challenge to this. When former Yugoslav states declared independence, they not only lacked effective and legitimate governments, but were also locked in a state of ethnic conflict. Both conditions have fundamental effects on subsequent democratization processes. Democratization in the Balkans was essentially entwined with processes of state-building and nation-building, and thus was framed more as means to empower forces who wanted to shape the future nation-state and less as an independent aim. This argument could be applied to both nationalist forces operating within quasi-states and to the participating international and transnational acto rs (Blunden, 2004; Pridham, 2000). The fragmentation of Yugoslavia and subsequent wars created a great political and social vacuum in its former republics. Opposed to the basic assumptions of DTT, the political transitions in this region were not a consequence of a regimes breakthrough but rather of a state. This did not lead to processes of political reconstruction, but rather a fundamental need to construct social, economic and political institutions. The post-conflict vacuum, characterized by a great sense of social insecurity, facilitated a competition between various forces over power and authority within a given territory (Hippler, 2008). This competition was embodied in the Balkan conflicts and in the reconstruction processes that followed them. Subsequently, post-war processes of state-building in the Balkans became associated with nation-building processes evolving around ethnic-fragmentation. Given the legacies of the failure of the prior state-authority to maintain its statehood and conflicts that generated from that, the post-conflict situation in the Balkan illuminated the attractiveness of state authority alternatives in the form of nationalism and identity politics (Kostovicova and Bojicic-Dzelilovic,2006:229-230; 2009; Smith,1996: 2-3). Consequently, crucial power shifts within the realm of the state allocated more power to exclusive ethno-nationalist groups than to inclusive ones (Zakaria,2003:15). For example, In Bosnia-Herzegovina(BiH), since 1996 the parliament has been dominated by the wartime nationalist parties, reflecting popular support for ethnic divides and separatism (Waters,2004). This demonstrates the inability of the new state systems to create what Smith (1996) calls a balance between the civic and ethnic dimensions of nationalism (Smith,1996:97-102). Constant disagreements over the definition of the people and the transformation from a Westphalian d efinition, which is based on bordered territory, to an ethnicity-based definition of people, undermined the ability of any state representative to establish equilibrium and therefore to consolidate effective and legitimate democratic states. Furthermore, nationalist groups use democratic practices to recreate the nation and national identity rather than create a functioning state (Smith, 1996:80-82). For example, in 2004-5 Serbian and Montenegrin nationalist group used the political institutions in Serbia and Montenegro (unified state back then) as part of their as part of their struggle for independence and separation (Edmund, 2007). Under the circumstances of weak and fragile states, these ethnic fragmentations just could not be accommodated under any constellation of democratically-elected government (Edmunds, 2007; Krastev,2002:49; Waters,2004; Zakaria, 2003:113-155). As a result, the emerging Balkan states emphasized their ethnic components and therefore provoked processes of hyper-nationalism, ethnic-centralization and exclusion (Smith,1996:105-106), all of which are essentially counterproductive to state-building processes. The lack of a civic component, which essentially defines the relationship between the state and its citizens, imposes more challenges for DTT, which presupposes the existence of statehood and in particular, clear definitions of citizens and citizenship. In this respect, citizenship is acknowledged as prerequisite to democracy, not to mention one of its constitutive elements. After all, if democracy is literally the rule of the people, without agreement on who are the people there cannot be a democracy. Thus, if one embraces Grugels concept of democratization as the establishment of democratic practices of citizenship (Grugel,2003:250), the absence of a clear civic component in the Balkan states questions the mere existence of democratic transitions within them and emphasize their embedded weakness (Kostovicova and Bojicic-Dzelilovic,2009). In terms of DTT, this emphasizes the need to expand its explanatory frameworks to cases in which there is not only a regime transition but also a transition (or construction) of a state, which entails differentiating between the constitutive elements of democracy citizenship and statehood and its procedural practices, like elections. Another neglected dimension of DTT, which arguably has crucial impact on contemporary post-conflict transitions, is the international dimension (Schmitz,2004). International forces, and external forces in general have always had some impact on domestic democratization transitions as demonstrated by US efforts in the Alliance for Progress (1961) and various foreign aid schemes for democratization states in Latin America. Nevertheless, although prominent DTT scholars acknowledged the role of the US in third wave democratization processes (Huntington,1991:91-100), and recognized ,its part in the history of democratization, the role of external forces or superpowers was not incorporated into DTTs explanatory frameworks thus was absent from democratization theory (Schmitz,2004). More than that, the DTTs reliance on firm division between the external and domestic realms overlooks the involvement of external, international, global and transnational elements in these transitions and thus ign ores their role in shaping the course of contemporary post-conflict transition. Here again the political transitions in the Balkans reveal the inapplicability of the DTT to contemporary conflicts because of its tendency to decontextualize the political phenomenon it aims to explore. The DTT treats democracy and democratization as unitary concepts that have firm meanings regardless of time and space constraints, and thus assumes they can be defined and measured via objective and positivist lenses. Nevertheless, since democracy as a set of political procedures is the manifestation of set of ideas and concepts, its meaning is dynamic and interpretative, that is constructed and socialized by social institutions and actors under specific social and historical circumstances. An important shift in the ideas and meanings of democracy and democratization has occurred in the past few decades (Whitehead,2002:7-9). The end of the Cold-War marked for many the triumph of democracy as a desirable idea. This, accompanied by recently emergent ideas of human security, generated a paradigm shift in the academic and political agendas toward the need to embody and realize notions of human, liberal and political rights. President Clinton articulated this trend in its first inaugural speech (1992): [O]ur greatest strength is the power of our ideas, which are still new in many lands. Across the world, we see them embraced, and we rejoice. Our hopes, our hearts, our hands, are with those on every continent who are building democracy and freedom. Their cause is Americas cause.  [1]   In light of these notions, NATO, under U.S. leadership, framed its involvement in the Balkan wars at both diplomatic level (e.g. the Dayton Agreement, 1996) and military one (e.g. NATOs Operation Joint Guardian in Kosovo,1999). Another example for the ideational framework of the external forces in the Balkans is the involvement of NATO the UN, the EU, and GCS bodies in managing reconstruction and state-building tasks in the region. The official objectives of these tasks illustrate their aim to develop in these states the civic components of statehood and democracy. For example, the mission of NATO-led stabilization force in BiH articulates that its legal and political framework was determined in light of Dayton Agreements goals (1996): To provide a safe and secure environment; To-establish a-unified, democratic Bosnia-and Herzegovina.; To rebuild-the-economy.; and To allow the return of displaced persons and refugees to their prewar-homes.  [2]   The mandate of the UN-Mission in BiH (1995) emphasizes the role of law enforcement, whose main tasks include: Monitoring, observing and inspecting law enforcement activities and facilities; advising law enforcement personnel and forces; assessing threats to public order and advising on the capability of law-enforcement agencies to deal with such threats  [3]  . It also makes its assistance to specific parties in BiH conditional and declares that it will: Consider-requests from the parties-or law-enforcement agencies in-Bosnia and Herzegovina for-assistance, with priority being given to ensuring the existence of conditions for free and fair elections. The objectives of the UN peacekeeping force in Kosovo (KFOR, 1999) are also similar: Support the-establishment-of civilian institutions, law and order, the judicial and penal system, the electoral-process-and other-aspects of the political, economic and social life of the province.  [4]   The main-problem though, is that these forces by attempting to design and supply the civic components of the state in-light-of western models of statehood and democracy, served as substitute for the state and practically empowered the anti-statist forces in the region, namely the ethno-nationalist groups as a by-product of democratization (Waters, 2004:424-427). The American diplomat Richard-Holbrooks expressed his concern from this implication in the course of the 1996 Bosnian-elections: Suppose the election was declared free and fairà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ and those elected are racists, fascists, separatists, who are publicly opposed to [peace and reintegration]. That is the dilemma. (Quoted in Zakaria,2003:17-18) As exemplified above, this has realized in practice, and the institutions that the external forces aimed to achieve in the Balkans, were used by ethno-nationalist movements as a platform to fuel trends of populism and claim their authority in the name of an exclusive ethnic majority (Smilov and Krastev, 2008:8-10). The above examples illustrate two important notions regarding the weakness of DTT to theorize the role of external forces. First, its indifference to the fact that international and transnational forces play a significant role in processes-of democratization and state reconstruction (Lewis,1997). Second, its indifference to the significance-of contextual and ideational-evolutions in concepts of democracy, as shaping and determining-this role. A comprehensive theoretical account on democratic transitions thus has to consider both the ways in which external forces fulfill their role in the transitions and the material and ideational factors that motivate them to do so. By further scrutinizing the role of external forces in democratization processes, DTT, could perhaps suggest refined and crystallized notions regarding the relations between external and internal forces in contemporary democratic transitions as well as provide further insights regarding the appropriate ways to manage and execute these transitions (e.g. Kostovicova and Bojicic-Dzelilovic,2006; Schmitz, 2004). The first question to be asked, in this respect, is if DTT in its essence is adequate to serve as a guiding policy tool for democratic transitions. (D) DTT: Between-Academic-Theory-and-Political-Paradigm: The relative success of the third wave of democratization coincided with the end of the Cold War, conferred extra normative weight upon concepts of democracy and democratization and anchored democratization processes to the conception that democracy is good and desirable. This conception developed in light of historical and social circumstances that generated specific normative perceptions and-interpretations of democracy. DTTs main theoretical and empirical assertions were combined with similar normative notions regarding the merits of democracy. It was thus shifted from a merely descriptive and explanatory framework to a prescriptive one, representing a new paradigm, in the academic and political realms, regarding the prospects of democracy promotions (e.g. Diamond, 2003; Fukuyama, 1992). Consequently, more and more entrepreneurs of democracy promotion framed and justified their policies via a mixture of normative and descriptive notions of DTT, as the paradigmatic foundation for attempts to support and encourage democratic transitions around the globe. The essential question thus is if indeed DTT is designated to serve as the theoretical basis of democratization policies in general and of contemporary post-conflict transitions in particular. The democratization attempts in the Balkans can shed light on this question. The attempts of the international community and GCS networks to democratize the Balkan states by emphasizing the virtues of elections as a platform for democracy and of law enforcement mechanisms as a platform for constitutionalism, exemplify the limitations of DTT. The overall success of these attempts is questionable as much as-the democratic transitions in the Balkan states are questionable due to, alongside other reasons, the theorys deficiencies pre sented above. First, in terms of cause and effect, these attempts were-based-on incoherent means and methods that were incompatible to the aim they wished to-achieve. Second, they were inapplicable under the ontological features of the political transitions in the Balkans, which were shaped by the new and unfamiliar context of globalization, manifested in non-statist (i.e., sub-national, transnational and global) trends and patterns of conflict and post-conflict reconstruction (Kostovicova and Bojicic-Dzelilovic,2009; On the EUs Europeanization-approach to the Balkans see Kostovicova and Bojicic-Dzelilovic,2006). These patterns demonstrate the blurred trajectory DTT has taken in recent years and calls into question its ability to serve as the theoretical basis for policies of democratization. This, I wish to argue, has less to do with DTT itself but rather with its transformation from academic theory to political paradigm. As argued above, the end of the Cold-War served as a normative leverage for democracy and democratization as political concepts. Those consequently gained normative weight, which altered the concept of democratic transitions from being a mere dependant variable in terms of DTT to aspired political objective. In this sense, DTT was politicized and shifted from being a framework, which aimed-to understand and explain reality into a framework which ascribed its shape and designed desirable political realities. Furthermore, DTT became a tool to justify and frame policy, migrating it from the academic sphere to the political one. Nevertheless, DTT was not simply applied to new c ases of political transitions as a guiding principle, but rather was translated and rephrased. Different entrepreneurs stripped DTT of its original theoretical constructs and rephrased them as both public conventions and political convictions (see also Ish-Shalom,2006 on the migration process of the Democratic Peace theory.). I use the word strip since once a theory migrates from academic to political discourse, it is detached from the skeptical and cautious discourse to which it was originally anchored. Academic theories are essentially specific adhered-to standards that qualify it to participate in the academic discourse. Among these requisites are expressed notions of cautiousness and skepticism that frame theorizing processes more as a set of probabilistic assertions than as a natural law. In return, theorists usually refer to-their theories as-project that is open to interpretations, refutations and further developments. More than that, theorists set the conditions under which their theories can-be-applied, and-by that acknowledge the limitations of theoretical generalizations (Ish-Shalom, 2008:683-685). This, for example, is clearly a part of the theorizing process of the DTT in its original setting as an academic-theory, which was explicitly cautious regarding its ability to serve as a model, rather than an explanation. Huntington for example, clearly states that his account of the third wave of democratization is limited-to the specific cases he selected for the study and thu s questions his own theorys external validity (Huntington,1991:xiii). ODonnell and Schmitter explicitly suggest in their books title tentative-conclusions and point that although there is a normative strand to the DTT that recognizes democratization as desirable, one has to acknowledge that transitions are essentially disordered and thus difficult to theorize and deduce to concrete generalizations. Democratic transitions thus should not be regarded as either linear or deterministic in their nature (ODonnell and Schmitter,1986:3-5). Interestingly, Carotherss critique (2002) The End of the Transition Paradigm implicitly acknowledges the theorys migration process by referring explicitly to subject under critique democratic transition paradigm rather than to democratic-transition-theory. It is important to stress the differences between theory and paradigm. A paradigm is a worldview composed of a set of axiomatic, possibly normative, notions regarding facets of the world. Theory on the other hand is the result of complex process of systematically organizing paradigmatic conceptions into sets of assumptions, testable hypotheses, and feasible arguments usually framed by conditioned if and then matrixes. DTT, in this sense, shifted from being a theory, constrained by the common standards of academic theorizing, into a political paradigm that embodies a specific set of values and norms. Consequently, the use some would even argue abuse of the idea of DTT as a paradigmatic-framework for democratization policies is inadequate given its initial purposes and limitations as a theory. This use can be seen as a selective, even distorte

Flight as a Literal and Metaphorical Symbol in Song of Solomon by Toni

In Song of Solomon, a novel by Toni Morrison, flight is used as a literal and metaphorical symbol of escape. Each individual character that chooses to fly in the novel is â€Å"flying† away from a hardship or a seemingly impossible situation. However, by choosing to escape, one is also deliberately choosing to abandon family and community members. The first reference to this idea is found in the novel’s epigraph: â€Å"The fathers may soar/ And the children may know their names,† which introduces the idea that while flight can be an escape, it can also be harmful to those left behind. However, while the male characters who achieve flight do so by abandoning their female partners and family, the female characters master flight without abandoning those they love. Throughout the novel, human flight is accepted as a natural occurrence, while those who doubt human flight, such as Milkman, are viewed as abnormal and are isolated from the community. It is only when Milk man begins to believe in flight as a natural occurrence that he is welcomed back into the community and sheds his feelings of isolation. The novel begins with the account of Robert Smith, an insurance agent who had promised to â€Å"take off†¦and fly away on [his] own wings† (Morrison 3). Standing on the roof of Mercy Hospital wearing â€Å"blue silk wings,† Smith proclaims to a growing crowd that he will fly (Morrison 5). Unfortunately, he is ultimately unable to take flight and falls to his death among the crowd. This is the first image of attempted flight in the novel and the first glimpse of flight being viewed as both possible and natural. Those who had gathered to view Smith’s flight did not â€Å"cry out to [him]† or attempt to prevent his leap, but instead encouraged him, implying that t... ...ers to and rides the air, and whether he reenacts the suicide of Robert Smith or delivers himself into â€Å"the killing arms of his brother,† Milkman escapes through flight (Morrison 337). During the long period of time in which Milkman doubts human flight, he is essentially shunned from his community. However, by accepting human flight as both a natural and possible occurrence, Milkman achieves acceptance. In actuality, flight as a means of escape is conveyed as a selfish act, harming all those left behind. Furthermore, in reference to Robert Smith and Milkman, death, not flight, was what caused them to essentially escape. In Song of Solomon, flight comes across as an act of desperation, in which those involved would risk anything to escape their troubled lives. Only when you â€Å"surrendered [yourself] to the air† could you truly escape and find freedom (Morrison 337).

The Art of Hybrid Writing Essay -- poetry, short stories

â€Å"From a very early age†¦I knew that when I grew up I should be a writer.†- George Orwell in ‘Why I Write’ (1965) As a writer, I am aware that there are different types ‘voices’ when it comes to their personal writing. During the course of this module I’ve learned a lot about my personal ‘voice’ and it has helped enhance my writing skills. For example, there will be times where I will have to force myself to write, even when I don’t have the motivation to; because sometimes I can get a great story or poem out of it. Other things that I have learned during this module are: old habits aren’t always the best and I should save my energy on keeping them around, and at times imitating the works of other writers can help teach new techniques I would not have learned in any other way. When I first started writing, I would write mostly poetry and sometimes short stories. I would usually take days to write a good poem, and weeks for a good story. Sometimes I would get so busy that I would put it off for a while and I wouldn’t get back to it for a month or so. Although ever since I started this course I had to use the time that was given to me, especially the rest of the week till the next class. As Dorothea Brande said in her book ‘Becoming a Writer’ in Chapter Six: â€Å"Decide for yourself when you will take the time for writing; for you are going to write in it.† I would usually write my stories at night, around 7:30-8pm since I that would be around the time I would have the sudden urge to write. When I wrote the first draft of ‘Good Deed’, I had started writing it around 8pm as I had planned that morning I would. While I was writing it, I thought it would take me a little less than an hour to write since I had the idea of what I wanted ... ...orothea Brande said in chapter ten in her book ‘Becoming a Writer’ â€Å" They [the words] are yours to use only when you have made them your own by full acquaintance and acceptance.† Even so, this semester has really thought me so many things in the period of twelve weeks. From learning what truly is my voice in writing, to kicking away old habits that would only do damage, and in the end, imitating can also help me improve certain aspects of my writing. This whole semester has been quite the rollercoaster in terms of this module, I learned so much and I will continue to keep learning from these lessons as I keep going forth my journey in university. Works Cited Brande, Dorothea, and John Gardner. Becoming a Writer. New York: J.P. Tarcher, 1981. Print.Orwell, George. Decline of the English Murder, and Other Essays. Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin, 1965. Print. The Art of Hybrid Writing Essay -- poetry, short stories â€Å"From a very early age†¦I knew that when I grew up I should be a writer.†- George Orwell in ‘Why I Write’ (1965) As a writer, I am aware that there are different types ‘voices’ when it comes to their personal writing. During the course of this module I’ve learned a lot about my personal ‘voice’ and it has helped enhance my writing skills. For example, there will be times where I will have to force myself to write, even when I don’t have the motivation to; because sometimes I can get a great story or poem out of it. Other things that I have learned during this module are: old habits aren’t always the best and I should save my energy on keeping them around, and at times imitating the works of other writers can help teach new techniques I would not have learned in any other way. When I first started writing, I would write mostly poetry and sometimes short stories. I would usually take days to write a good poem, and weeks for a good story. Sometimes I would get so busy that I would put it off for a while and I wouldn’t get back to it for a month or so. Although ever since I started this course I had to use the time that was given to me, especially the rest of the week till the next class. As Dorothea Brande said in her book ‘Becoming a Writer’ in Chapter Six: â€Å"Decide for yourself when you will take the time for writing; for you are going to write in it.† I would usually write my stories at night, around 7:30-8pm since I that would be around the time I would have the sudden urge to write. When I wrote the first draft of ‘Good Deed’, I had started writing it around 8pm as I had planned that morning I would. While I was writing it, I thought it would take me a little less than an hour to write since I had the idea of what I wanted ... ...orothea Brande said in chapter ten in her book ‘Becoming a Writer’ â€Å" They [the words] are yours to use only when you have made them your own by full acquaintance and acceptance.† Even so, this semester has really thought me so many things in the period of twelve weeks. From learning what truly is my voice in writing, to kicking away old habits that would only do damage, and in the end, imitating can also help me improve certain aspects of my writing. This whole semester has been quite the rollercoaster in terms of this module, I learned so much and I will continue to keep learning from these lessons as I keep going forth my journey in university. Works Cited Brande, Dorothea, and John Gardner. Becoming a Writer. New York: J.P. Tarcher, 1981. Print.Orwell, George. Decline of the English Murder, and Other Essays. Harmondsworth, Eng.: Penguin, 1965. Print.

A Character Analysis of the Book “A Painted House”

How do unpleasant realities of life are presented and experienced by a seven-year-old boy? As the child travels from being an innocent into becoming an experienced person, both the good and bad facets of life will eventually shape his emotions, perspectives and dealings with other people.In doing so, the breaking of the child’s innocence turns into a learning experience which he and even the people around him may use as an instrument to continue living in accordance with the norms of the society. While it is expected that life realities, when witnessed from a boy’s point of view, may be rather unclear or incomplete, this does not necessarily mean that the child is totally unaware and unmoved of its accompanying and eventual implications.This is because a child may be physically small but he is able to grasp what the society is presenting to him and ultimately identifies the good and bad things which he needs to keep and disregard, respectively. Manifestations of such ab ilities are evident among almost all children because they are naà ¯ve by nature.Such innate and youthful characteristics open a child to many opportunities and possibilities. When guided properly, a child may use life realities, however harsh they are, to work to his or her advantage and even to the benefit of other people and the society in general.One book which ideally depicts the said quality of a child in John Grisham’s 2001 book titled â€Å"A Painted House.† Aside from its notable plot, which is about the story-telling of a seven-year-old boy of the struggles facing his family’s cotton-picking business in rural Arkansas in 1952, the Grisham novel is most worth-reading because of the character of the young protagonist – Luke Chandler (Grisham, 2001).In fact, it is the said struggles which brought out the best in Luke because of the fact that even at a young age, he is determined to help out in their business and in his little way, solve the proble ms even if his mother always tells him: â€Å"Don’t worry.The men will find something to worry about† (Grisham 1). The ways how Luke dealt with his growing-up miseries through his exposure to the cruel realities of life, Grisham succeeded in imparting to the public a touching novel about a child’s journey from being an innocent child into becoming a knowledgeable person (Grisham, 2001).Manifestations of above awakening are evident with the power of Luke to overcome the cruelties in his life which he personally witnessed. These include a murder, a rape incident which has resulted into pregnancy and an illegitimate child, the poverty of the Mexicans and hill people and other adult-related obstacles.The novel, as seen from the view of Luke, told of the unwavering determination of the Chandler family to make their business survive and show to the people of Arkansas that despite living in an unpainted house, their cotton-picking trade will pick up. While the author s tands out in his law-related books because of their plots, Grisham’s A Painted House novel definitely shines because of the character of Luke.Using the first-person point of perspective of Luke, the author effectively provided the public with a view of the hardships which then challenged the people of Arkansas (Grisham, 2001).Through the eyes of Luke, A Painted House serves as a blank paper where the author excellently writes the details which happened in the United States after World War II. The character of the protagonist is one which is filled with many real incidents and people albeit presented through Luke’s youthful point of view. In fact, Luke’s life is very simple and his world is small with the family’s business of cotton-picking being his concentration.The child in Luke is presented in the book many times with the Chandler family trips to town on Saturdays, church activities on Sundays, special treats at carnivals and the boy’s ultimate dream to play baseball as attested by his statement that he will not be a farmer but a baseball player (Grisham 5).However, as Luke takes on his journey, becomes exposed to the characters in his life such as his family and the workers composed of the hill people and Mexicans as well as harsh realities of life, the boy unwittingly somehow grows as an experienced person even at a young age.Hence, it is worthy to consider how Luke, in his simple yet uplifting manner, is able to address and cope with cruel issues which confronted his young life. The life realities which are too enormous and difficult for Luke to realize but triumphantly handled include the ethical conflicts about a murder case, a child born out of wedlock and even the financial destruction that hit the area.Despite these cruelties which Luke’s innocence may be unable to understands, it is remarkable to consider that the boy’s naà ¯ve personality managed the said dilemmas. Beyond Luke’s notable trai ts and abilities in his original innocence as manifested by his child-like faith when he believes that God has control over anything just like there is reason when rains sweep away their harvests.It is during the boy’s journey, where he is faced with the true events of life, that Luke is able to attain his experience and realizes that indeed there is reason for every thing that happens. This is evident when he said â€Å"I was certain there was a reason the Cardinals lost the pennant, but I couldn’t understand why God was behind it† (Grisham 251).